3 Interlude: Meanderings – UFT in the late 1930s and the 1940s
Prior to a discussion of the main research groups concerned with Einstein–Schrödinger theories, some approaches using the ideas of Kaluza and Klein for a unified field theory, or aspiring to bind together quantum theory and gravitation are discussed.
3.1 Projective and conformal relativity theory
Projective relativity theory had been invented expressly in order to avoid the fifth dimension of
Kaluza–Klein theory. In Sections 6.3.2 and 7.2.4 of Part I, Pauli & Solomon’s paper was described. Also, in
Section 6.3.2 of Part I, we briefly have discussed what O. Veblen & B. Hoffmann called “projective
relativity” [671*], and the relationship to the Einstein–Mayer theory. Veblen & Hoffmann had introduced
projective tensors with components where
are
coordinates of space-time,
is an additional parameter (a gauge variable) and
a constant named
“index”.40
transforms as
. The auxiliary 5-dimensional space appearing has no physical
significance. A projective symmetric metric
of index
was given by
where
is
an arbitrary projective scalar of index
. In addition, a third symmetric tensor
, the
gravitational metric, appeared. Here,
is a projective vector. Likewise, the Levi-Civita
connections
with
with
and
were used. For arbitrary index
, the field equations were derived from the curvature
scalar
calculated from the connection
. One equation could be written in the form of a
wave equation:


During the 1940s, meson physics became fashionable. Of course, the overwhelming amount of this research happened in connection with nuclear and elementary particle theory, outside of UFT, but sometimes also in classical field theory. Cf. the papers by F. J. Belinfante on the meson field, in which he used the undor-formalism41 [16, 15]. In his doctoral thesis of 1941, “Projective theory of meson fields and electromagnetic properties of atomic nuclei” suggested by L. Rosenfeld, Abraham Pais in Utrecht kept away from UFT and calculated the projective energy momentum tensor of an arbitrary field. Although citing the paper of Veblen and Hoffmann, in projective theory he followed the formalism of Pauli; in his application to the Dirac spinor-field, he used Belinfantes undors [466]. After this paper, he examined which of Kemmer’s five types of meson fields were “in accordance with the requirements of projective relativity” ([467], p. 268).
It is unsurprising that B. Hoffmann in Princeton also applied the projective formalism to
a theory intended to unify the gravitational and vector meson fields [278*]. The meson field
was defined by Hoffmann via:
with
and
given above. Its
space-time components
form an affine vector from which the vector meson field tensor
follows. The theory again contained three Riemannian curvature tensors
(scalars). By skipping all calculations, we arrive at the affine form of Hoffmann’s field equations

Hoffmann then looked for a “broader geometrical base” than projective geometry in order to include the
electromagnetic field. He found it in conformal geometry, or rather in a special subcase, similarity geometry
[279].42
It turned out that a 6-dimensional auxiliary space was needed. We shall denote the coordinates in this
by
. The components of a similarity tensor are
,
where
are the number of covariant and contravariant coordinate indices while
again is
named the index of the tensor. In place of the transformations in projective geometry, now















3.1.1 Geometrical approach
It was Pascual Jordan who in physics
re-applied projective geometry (cf. Section 2.1.3.3 of Part I) by showing that the transformation
group of the 4-potential
in electrodynamics, composed of the gauge transformations























Pauli had browsed in Ludwig’s book and now distanced himself from his own papers on projective relativity of 1933 discussed briefly in Section 7.2.4 of Part I.44 He felt deceived:
“The deception consists in the belief that by the projective form, i.e., the homogeneous
coordinates, the shortcomings of Kaluza’s formulation have been repaired, and that one
has achieved something beyond Kaluza. At the time, in 1933, I did not know explicitly
the transition from Kaluza to the projective form (as in [20*]); it is too simple and banal
to the effect that the factual contents of both equivalent formulations could be somehow
different.” (letter of W. P. to P. Jordan, [490*], p. 735):45
3.1.2 Physical approach: Scalar-tensor theory
Toward the end of the second world war, Kaluza’s five- dimensional theory and projective relativity emerged
once again as vehicles for a new physical theory which, much later, came to be known as “scalar-tensor theory of
gravitation.”46
Cosmological considerations related to the origin of stars seem to have played the major role
for the building of a theory by P. Jordan in which the gravitational constant
is thought to be varying in (cosmological) time and thus replaced by a scalar function
[316]47.
The theory nicely fit with Dirac’s “large number hypothesis” [122, 123]. The fifteenth field variable in Kaluza’s
theory was identified by Jordan with this function, or in projective relativity, with the scalar:
by setting
[321*]. In space-time, the field equations for the gravitational field
, the electromagnetic 4-potential
, and the
-variable
were derived by Jordan and
Müller48
to be:

“Professor Einstein and the present author had worked on that same idea several years earlier, but had finally rejected it and not published the abortive event” ([21*], p. 255).
It may be that at the time, they just did not have an idea for a physical interpretation like the one suggested by P. Jordan. Although there were reasons for studying the theory further, Bergmann pointed out that there is an “embarras de richesses” in the theory: too many constructive possibilities for a Lagrangian. Nonetheless, in his subsequent paper on “five-dimensional cosmology”, P. Jordan first stuck to the simplest Lagrangian, i.e. to the Ricci scalar in five dimensions [318*]. In this paper, Jordan also made a general comment on attempts within unitary field theory of the Einstein–Schrödinger-type to embed corpuscular matter into classical field theory (cf. chapter 6 with Section 6.1.1 below):
“The problem of the structure of matter can only be attacked as a problem in quantum
mechanics; nevertheless, investigations of the singularities of solutions of the field equations
retain considerable importance in this framework. […] the wave functions of matter must
be taken into account. Whether this program can be carried through, and to which
extent, in the sense of an extension of geometry (to which Schrödinger’s ideas related to
the meson field seem to provide an important beginning) is such a widespread question
[…]”.49
([318], p. 205).
Jordan’s theory received wider attention after his and G. Ludwig’s books had been published in the early 1950s [319*, 384]. In a letter to Jordan mentioned, Pauli also questioned Jordan’s taking the five-dimensional curvature scalar as his Lagrangian. Actually, already in the first edition of his book, Jordan had accepted Pauli’s criticism and replaced (110*) by [compare with (109*)]:
He thus severed his “extended theory of gravitation” from Kaluza’s theory. He also displayed the Lagrangian ([319*], p. 139): but then set one of the two free parameters









“Assumed that be variable in cosmic spaces, then this variability must show up in the
redshift of light radiated from distant stars.” ([195], p. 134)51
Because this had not been observed, Fierz concluded that . Both, Pauli and Fierz gave a low rating to Jordan’s
theory52
Neither Pauli nor Fierz seem to have known that the mathematician Willy Scherrer at the university of Bern had suggested scalar-tensor theory already in 1941 before P. Jordan, and without alluding to Kaluza or Pauli’s projective formulation.53 Also, in 1949, Scherrer had suggested a more general Lagrangian [532]:





In 1953, W. Scherrer asked Pauli to support another manuscript on unified field theory entitled “Grundlagen einer linearen Feldtheorie” for publication in Helvetica Physica Acta but apparently sent him only a reprint of a preliminary short note [534]. Pauli was loath to get involved and asked the editor of this journal, the very same M. Fierz, what the most appropriate answer to Scherrer could be. He also commented:
“Because according to my opinion all “unified field theories” are based on dubious ideas –
in particular it is a typically suspect idea of the great masters Einstein and Schrödinger
to add up the symmetric and antisymmetric parts of a tensor – I have to pose the question
[…].” (W. Pauli to M. Fierz, 15 Dec. 1953) ([491*], p. 390–391)54
Scherrer’s paper eventually was published in Zeitschrift für Physik [535]. In fact, he proposed a unified field theory based on linear forms, not on a quadratic form such as it is used in general relativity or Einstein–Schrödinger UFT. His notation for differential forms and tangent vectors living in two reference systems is non-standard. As his most important achievement he regarded “the absolutely invariant and at the same time locally exact conservation laws.” In his correspondence with Fierz, Pauli expressed his lack of understanding: “What he means with this, I do not know, because all generally relativistic field theories abound with energy laws”([491*], p. 403). H. T. Flint wrote a comment in which he claimed to have shown that Scherrer’s theory is kin to Einstein’s teleparallelism theory [213]. For studies of Kaluza’s theory in Paris (Jordan–Thiry theory) cf. Section 11.1.
3.2 Continued studies of Kaluza–Klein theory in Princeton, and elsewhere
As described in Section 6.3 of Part I, since 1927 Einstein and again in 1931 Einstein and Mayer55, within a calculus using 5-component tensorial objects in space-time, had studied Kaluza’s approach to a unification of gravitation and electromagnetism in a formal 5-dimensional space with Lorentz-signature. A decade later, Einstein returned to this topic in collaboration with his assistant Peter Bergmann [167*, 166]. The last two chapters of Bergmann’s book on relativity theory are devoted to Kaluza’s theory and its generalization ([20*]. Einstein wrote a foreword, in which he did not comment on “Kaluza’s unified field theory” as the theory is listed in the book’s index. He admitted that general relativity “[…] has contributed little to atomic physics and our understanding of quantum phenomena.” He hoped, however, that some of its features as were “general covariance of the laws of nature and their nonlinearity” could contribute to “overcome the difficulties encountered at present in the theory of atomic and nuclear processes” ([20*] p. V). Two years before Bergmann’s book appeared, Einstein already had made up his mind against the five-dimensional approach:
“The striving for most possible simplicity of the foundations of the theory has prompted
several attempts at joining the gravitational field and the electromagnetic field from a
unitary, formal point of view. Here, in particular, the five-dimensional theory of Kaluza
and Klein must be mentioned. Yet, after careful consideration of this possibility, I think it
more proper to accept the mentioned lack of inner unity, because it seems to me that the
embodiment of the hypotheses underlying the five-dimensional theory contains no less
arbitrariness than the original theory.”56
Nonetheless, in their new approach, Einstein and Bergmann claimed to ascribe “physical
reality to the fifth dimension whereas in Kaluza’s theory this fifth dimension was introduced
only in order to obtain new components of the metric tensor representing the electromagnetic
field” ([167], p. 683). Using ideas of O. Klein, this five-dimensional space was seen by them
essentially as a four-dimensional one with a small periodical strip or a tube in the additional
spacelike dimension affixed. The 4-dimensional metric then is periodic in the additional coordinate
.57
With the fifth dimension being compact, this lessened the need for a physical interpretation of its empirical
meaning. Now, the authors partially removed Kaluza’s ‘cylinder condition’
(cf. Section 4.2 of
Part I, Eq. (109)): they set
, but assumed
and
: the electrodynamic
4-potential remains independent of
. Due to the restriction of the covariance group (cf. Section 4.2,
Part I, Eq. (112)), in space-time many more possibilities for setting up a variational principle than
the curvature scalar of 5-dimensional space exist: besides the 4-dimensional curvature scalar
, Einstein & Bergmann list three further quadratic invariants:
where
. The ensuing field equations for the fourteen variables
and
contain two new free parameters besides the gravitational and cosmological constants.
Scalar-tensor theory is excluded due to the restrictions introduced by the authors. Except for
the addition of some new technical concepts (p-tensors, p-differentiation) and the inclusion of
projective geometry, Bergmann’s treatment of Kaluza’s idea in his book did not advance the
field.
The mathematicians K. Yano and G. Vranceanu showed that Einstein’s and Bergmann’s generalization
may be treated as part of the non-holonomic UFT proposed by them [713, 681*]. Vranceanu considered
space-time to be a “non-holonomic” totally geodesic hypersurface in a 5-dimensional space , i.e., the
hypersurface cannot be generated by the set of tangent spaces in each point. Besides the metric of
space-time
, a non-integrable differential form
defining the hypersurface was introduced together with the additional assumption
. The path of
a particle with charge
, mass
and 5-vector
was chosen to be a
geodesic tangent to the non-holonomic hypersurface. Thus
, and Vranceanu then took
. The electromagnetic field was defined as
. Both Einstein’s
and Maxwell’s equations followed, separately, with the energy-momentum tensor of matter as
possible source of the gravitational field equations: “One can also assume that the energy tensor
be the sum of two tensors one of which is due to the electromagnetic field […]”. ([681*],
p. 525).58
His interpretation of the null geodesics which turn out to be independent of the electromagnetic field is in
the spirit of the time: “This amounts to suppose for light, or as well for the photon, that its charge be
null and its mass
be different from zero, a fact which is in accord with the hypothesis
of Louis de Broglie (Une nouvelle conception de la lumière; Hermann, Paris 1934).” ([681],
p. 524)59
More than a decade later, K. Yano and M. Ohgane generalized the non-holonomic UFT to arbitray
dimension:
-dimensional space is a non-holonomic hypersurface of
-dimensional Riemannian
space. It is shown that the theory “[…] seems to contain all the geometries appearing in the
five-dimensional unified field theories proposed in the past and to suggest a natural generalization of
the six-dimensional unified field theories proposed by B. Hoffmann, J. Podolanski, and one
of the present authors” ([714], pp. 318, 325–326). They listed the theories by Kaluza–Klein,
Veblen–Hoffmann, Einstein–Mayer, Schouten–Dantzig, Vranceanu and Yano; cf. also Sections 3.1 and
11.2.1.
B. Hoffmann derived the geodesic equations of a magnetic monopole in the framework of a 6-dimensional theory [277*]; cf. Section 11.2.1. The one who really made progress, although unintentionally and unnoticed at the time, was O. Klein who extended Abelian gauge theory for a particular non-Abelian group, which almost corresponds to SU(2) gauge theory [333]. For a detailed discussion of Klein’s contribution cf. [237].
Einstein unceasingly continued his work on the “total field” but was aware of inherent difficulties. In a letter to his friend H. Zangger in Zurich of 27 February 1938, he wrote:
“I still work as passionately even though most of my intellectual children, in a very young
age, end in the graveyard of disappointed hopes”. ([560*], p. 552)60
At first he was very much fascinated by the renewed approach to unified field theory by way of Kaluza’s idea. We learn this from the letter of 8 August 1938 to his friend Besso:
“After twenty years of vain searching, this year now I have found a promising field theory
which is a quite natural sequel to the relativistic gravitational theory. It is in line with
Kaluza’s idea about the essence of the electromagnetic field.” ([163*], p. 321)61
3.3 Non-local fields
3.3.1 Bi-vectors; generalized teleparallel geometry
In 1943, Einstein had come to the conclusion that the failure of “finding a unified theory of the physical
field by some generalization of the relativistic theory of gravitation” seemed to require “a decisive
modification of the fundamental concepts” ([165*], p. 1). He wanted to keep the four-dimensional space-time
continuum and the diffeomorphism group as the covariance group, but wished to replace the Riemannian
metric by a generalized concept. Together with the assistant at the Institute for Advanced Studies,
Valentine Bargmann , he set out to develop a new scheme involving
“bi-vector fields”. Unlike the concept of a bi-vector used by Schouten in 1924 ([537], p. 17) and ever
since in the literature, i.e., for the name of a special antisymmetric tensor, in the definition by
Einstein and Bargmann the concept meant a tensor depending on the coordinates of two points in
space-time, an object which would be called “bi-local” or “non-local”, nowadays. The two points,
alternatively, could be imagined to lie in the same manifold (“single space”), or in two different
spaces (“double space”). In the latter case, the coordinate transformations for each point are
independent.
In place of the Riemannian metric, a contravariant bi-vector is defined via











As a possible field equation, the authors now introduced “tensorial four-point equations”:
If


In another paragraph, the authors returned to the “single space”-version. Here, a symmetry condition is
demanded: . Now, the tensorial p-point equations admit the special case that the two points
(coordinates
) coincide. By a suitable rimming operation
was reached where
is the
matrix diag
. The rimming operations were performed with representations of the Lorentz
group. Also, mixed bi-vectors
were introduced and a tensorial three-point equation had to be
satisfied:
In a continuation of this paper, Einstein explicitly introduced the concept of connection: “I show that
just as in the case of the infinitesimal theory this theory can be made very simple by separating the
concepts and relations into those based exclusively on the affine connection and those where the affine
connection is specialized by hypotheses on the structure of the field” ([146*], p. 15). The mixed
bi-vector is interpreted as the (non-infinitesimal) affine connection because the relation





The only physicist outside of Princeton who expressed an interest in this discovery of “a new form of geometrical connection of a continuum, the distant affine connection” was Schrödinger in Dublin. In his paper, he set out to
“[…] show how the new geometrical structure emerges, by generalization, from the one that was at the basis of Einstein’s ‘Distant Parallelism’ (Fernparallelismus), and consisted in the natural union of an integrable (but in general non-symmetric) infinitesimal affine connection and a (in general not flat) Riemannian metric” ([550], p. 143).
He rewrote Einstein’s mixed bi-vector with the help of the tetrads used in teleparallel geometry:
Note that Schrödinger denoted the tetrad by










3.3.2 From Born’s principle of reciprocity to Yukawa’s non-local field theory
Much earlier, Max Born had followed a different if not entirely unrelated conceptual course: in 1938, he had
introduced a “principle of reciprocity”: “ […] each general law on the -space has an ’inverse image’ in the
-space, in the first instance the laws of relativity” ([38], p. 327). In this note in Nature, Born added a
Lorentzian metric
in momentum space satisfying as well the corresponding Einstein field
equations (cf. Section 4.2). Infeld in Princeton wanted to get some further information about this principle
of reciprocity from Born, who was afraid that his idea be seized by the “terribly clever people over there”.
However, in his letter to Einstein of 11 April 1938, he described his joint work with Klaus Fuchs: to
derive a “super-mechanics” with an 8-dimensional metric in phase space. A new fundamental
(“natural”) constant appeared leading to both an absolute length and an absolute momentum ([168*],
pp. 182–184). In a way, Born’s formalism came near to Einstein’s “double space” in his bi-vector
theory.
About a decade later, in 1947, H. Yukawa in an attempt to arrive at a theory of elementary particles,
used exactly this “double space”-approach: “[…] the field in our case is not necessarily a function of
alone, but may depend on
also. […] The generalized field can include not only the electromagnetic field
and various types of meson fields but also the so-called pair-fields such as the meson pair field and the
electron-neutrino field” ([716], p. 211–212). It seems that he saw his non-local field theory as introducing
new degrees of freedom and leading a step away from the point-particle concept: a possibility for avoiding
infinite self-energies. During his stay at the Princeton Institute for Advanced Study (PIAS) in 1948/49,
Yukawa must have learned about Born’s reciprocity principle and work around it [45, 46, 47],
refered to it (cf. [718]) and embarked on his quantum-theory of non-local fields. In general, his
theory now corresponded to the “single space” of Einstein and Bargmann: operators
)
depended on “two sets of real variables” (in the same space) [719, 720, 721]. According to
Yukawa: “
coincide with the ordinary coordinates
in the limit of local field, so that the
dependence on
describes the asymptotic behavior and the dependence on
characterizes the
internal structure or inertial motion” ([722], p. 3 ). At this time, both Yukawa and Einstein lived
in Princeton and got to know each other. It can reasonably be doubted, though, that they
took note of each other’s scientific work except superficially. In 1947, Yukawa possibly had not
the least inkling of the Einstein–Bargmann paper of 1944. Of course, Bargmann in Princeton
then could have told him. In the special issue of Review of Modern Physics for Einstein’s 70th
birthday in 1949, Max Born in Edinburgh dedicated an article about his reciprocity principle to
Einstein:
“The theory of elementary particles which I propose in the following pages is based on the current conceptions of quantum mechanics and differs widely from the ideas which Einstein himself has developed in regard to this problem. […] It can be interpreted as a rational generalization of his (“special”) theory of relativity.” ([40], p. 463)
Right next to Born’s article, one by Yukawa was placed which dealt with meson theory. He made only a cryptic remark about his non-local field theory when expressing the then prevailing ignorance about elementary particle theory:
“Probably we need a broader background (such as the five-dimensional space or the quantized phase space) for field theory in order to cope with these problems, although it is premature to say anything definite in this connection.” ([717], p.479)
He then gave references to his papers on non-local field theory. In a letter of 23 January 1949, Born informed Einstein also privately about his theory of elementary particles:
The laws of nature are invariant not only with regard to the relativistic transformations
but also with regard to the substitutions […]. All amounts to replace
your fundamental invariant
by the symmetrical quantity
where
.
is an operator, the integer eigenvalues of which are the distances […].”
([168*], p. 242.)64
This story shows that a very loose kinship existed between the Einstein–Bargmann “bi-vector” method and Yukawa’s non-local field theory with Born’s reciprocity theory in the middle. Although some of those involved were in direct personal contact, no concrete evidence for a conscious transfer of ideas could be established.